Towards a Promised Democracy
Fiji has taken further steps towards promised elections with the registration of three political parties: Fiji Labour Party (FLP), National Federation Party (NFP) and the Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA). Parties still have work to do – they’ve been given until the end of May to submit financial reports and set up administrative offices across the country. The media environment in Fiji presents related challenges, but an opportunity does exist for a national dialogue to take place. Allowing for a diversity of opinion and a respectful competition of ideas will ensure the outcome for both political winners and losers will be positive.
Party Membership in Fiji
Party Name |
Members submitted |
Members disallowed |
Total members accepted |
National Federation Party (NFP) |
7,574 |
189 |
7,385 |
Fiji Labour Party (FLP) |
8,456 |
284 |
8,172 |
Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA) |
8,825 |
136 |
8,689 |
In spite of pessimism surrounding the ability for any party to garner the high membership numbers needed, the three parties registered so far have exceeded expectations and managed to secure membership numbers well above the 5000 required. These high party memberships are encouraging and perhaps signify that despite eight years of rule by the interim government, a strong willingness to engage politically remains. Many Fijians are still keen to engage in vigorous and constructive political campaigns. This ongoing civic-mindedness and hunger for substantial debate is evidence that Fijians have not all given in to cynicism about the process. So far, there have been no real calls to boycott the election.
Apart from accepting the registration of three political parties, the interim government twice heeded calls to extend the draft constitution review timeframe. It has also made a commitment to the region to move to democracy, via its acceptance of $AUD20 million from Papua New Guinea, which is to be used to conduct the promised elections. These are all encouraging steps but it is worth also considering the potential strategic bennefits for the interim government. By letting three parties register and extending the constitutional consultation timeframe, the interim government appears more sincere and can suggest that is has listened and responded to the public. In doing so, it nullifies to a degree some of the most ardent criticisms of some in the population and others overseas. The interim government’s actions may have helped relieve some pressure and frustration in sections of the community and reduced the likelihood of unrest.
At this stage the interim government’s interests would not be served by reducing the number of parties any further. It would be preferable to go into the election either completely unopposed or against several parties. We have already seen how the conditions placed on the re-registration for old political parties helped to push former adversaries together to form groups like the United Front for a Democratic Fiji (UFDF). It would not be in the incumbent’s interest to go into the election with only itself and one alternative. The greater the number of parties contending, the greater the dispersion of voters with an ‘anyone but Bainimarama’ sentiment and the stronger the chances of the incumbent. However, it is not easy to know with certainty the extent of the Bainimarama-led government’s popularity. While there are many vocal critics online who might suggest that the entire country is ready to revolt, there have been outside polls that would suggest quite differently.
The extent to which critical voices have influenced the interim government’s recent actions is unclear. But allowing public discourse and responsibly responding to it will increase the interim government’s legitimacy and pave the way for greater domestic and international recognition of the future government, regardless of who should be elected. Elections have been promised and cancelled in the past but for the time being, at least, there are some positive signs and the most dire of the interim government’s critics’ predictions have not come to fruition. It is possible that the interim government has been listening to some of the more constructive criticism and will react accordingly. Given the numerous, well-publicised critiques of the draft constitution, optimists will be hoping that the government will seek to bolster its democratic aspirations and strengthen its legitimacy by incorporating necessary changes into the (unreleased) final version of the draft constitution.
Still more required from political parties
Fiji’s political parties still have more hurdles to jump before it comes to election time. Having managed to register, parties must now submit significant amounts of information relating to their party’s finances and assets. The information applies not only to parties as entities, but to individual politicians and their immediate family members too. While strict, such requirements are not unique to Fiji. Apart from sharing detailed financial information, political parties are also required to set up party offices in each of Fiji’s major administrative divisions and they must do this within 30 days from the date of their registration, or risk being removed as contenders.
The NFP and FLP were the only two, of seventeen pre-coup political parties, that managed to apply before the tight deadline set for old parties. SODELPA, while technically a ‘new’ party, has strong connections with the old party, Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua or (SDL). The requirement for political parties to have 5000 registered members could make it particularly difficult for some smaller parties to find an adequate level of political representation. Leaving aside arguments surrounding the equity of the process, it is worth considering how this high bar could have the effect of creating better grassroots outreach for the political parties that have survived and might even encourage wise parties to invest beyond the minimum requirements.
Media and Democracy
It is well known that Fiji’s media has a hard time reporting on anything overtly critical of the interim government, and perhaps on anything overly negative at all. There have been cases of water shortages to hospitals being censored and half-joking comments by a priest resulting in strongly worded censure and threats of deportation from the top.
After eight years without a democratic opposition, it will be challenging for a media accustomed to authoritarian rule to report on what critical voices are saying. We can only hope that vigorous debates that surround political processes will be allowed to take place. A spirited exchange of competing and conflicting opinions is fundamental to nation-building and allowing a freer flow of ideas will lend legitimacy to the interim government as well as to the eventual victor of the elections. Everyone involved will benefit by resisting the temptation to fall back onto partisan name-calling and labeling. In spite of the challenges of the current media environment, an opportunity exists to invent a national dialogue that allows for diversity of opinion and permits a respectful competition of ideas. The outcome for both political winners and losers, can only be positive, strengthening all participants – and the nation itself.
With the conclusion of the constitutional consultation process, Fijians and the international community wait for the final version of the document. The registration and high membership of three political parties bodes well for the vitality of politics in Fiji but there is a lot of work remaining. Continuing down this road toward democracy, the challenges are significant and success is not guaranteed- but the outcome, if handled properly, will strengthen the nation. If the goal is democracy, then the collective task is clear.