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Last Updated on Thursday, 10 May 2012 10:51

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ISLAND DREAMING

Last Updated on Thursday, 10 May 2012 10:44

DISCUSSION PAPER #15: A fresh look at Pacific regionalism.

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For decades the world has been arranging itself into regional blocs, but the Pacific remains one of the last regions to establish its own bloc.

Despite numerous regional organisations and agreements we seem to be no closer to a common understanding of what the big picture is for our Pacific future.  Who can explain what the region will look like in 20, 50 or 100 years from now? Are we moving towards a Pacific Union with a single currency and open borders? What is the role of sub-regional groupings in Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia?

These questions are becoming more urgent as the region sees the growing influence of sub-regional groupings, like the Melanesian Spearhead Group, and emerging Asian powers ending the status quo that has typified relations between island countries and their traditional ANZUS allies. There are questions over whether the Pacific Islands Forum, traditionally seen as the primary body for regional coordination, remains relevant.

Ben Bohane, Communications Director at the Pacific Institute of Public Policy, suggests “without reform the Forum faces an existential crisis. It has been politically paralysed on the main challenges confronting the region: trade, climate change and the military takeover in Fiji”.

For years there’s been muted criticism of the Forum for its failure to engage with civil society and defend the interests of Pacific peoples. Why has it remained silent on a number of ongoing struggles in West Papua, Tahiti and Rapa Nui? For all the talk of regional integration, the movement of people between Forum countries remains restricted and intra-island trade limited. That the military regime in Fiji was able to convene a rival gathering of Pacific leaders, attracting representatives of the emerging Asian powers, on the eve of this year’s Forum meeting further challenged the political clout of the regional body.

We have had decades of ‘big man’ politics – now we need to refine the big ideas and have island leaders articulate their vision and timeline for the Pacific community.

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References and useful links:

Statement by Tuiloma Neroni Slade, Secretary General of the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, at the opening of the 41st leaders meeting in Port Vila on 4 August 2010 
McLintock, A.H. (ed) (1966) An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand
Canberra Agreement (1947)
Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat (2007) The Pacific Plan for Strengthening Regional Cooperation and Integration
Forty First Pacific Islands Forum Port Vila, Vanuatu 4-5 August 2010 Forum Communique
Wing J. and P. King (2005) Genocide in West Papua? The role of the Indonesian state apparatus and a current needs assessment of the Papuan people. Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney and ELSHAM Jayapura, Papua
Lane, J. (2008) Regionalism in the Asia-Pacific Area, The Asia Pacific Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 30, No. 1: 1-13 

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MICRONESIAN EXODUS

Last Updated on Thursday, 10 May 2012 10:30

DISCUSSION PAPER 16: Micronesia has the highest per capita net emigration rates in the world.

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Micronesia has the highest per capita net emigration rates in the world.

Why is this? Is this necessarily a bad thing? PiPP’s new briefing paper explores the history and concerns around this issue. Although such high rates of emigration have in some ways impacted negatively on the development of these small island states, the alternative would likely be worse. On balance, the ability of Micronesians to migrate (mainly to the US under Compact of Free Association agreements) has been of benefit to both Micronesians and the US.

However, Micronesian policy makers need to think of ways to retain qualified locals and better develop the economy at home. Ben Graham is a Marshallese policy analyst and member of the PiPP advisory council. He says:

“Migration is nothing new to Micronesians. Movement within the islands and, for the past few decades, to the US has become just a part of who we are. But the emigration levels have intensified and many people are growing concerned about the demographic, development, and other impacts that this might have.

“It’s a good time for policymakers in FSM and RMI to re-visit this issue”.

For further information or media enquiries please contact:
Frida Bani, Communications Officer
email fbani(at)pacificpolicy.org
telephone +678 29842.

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Front page image caption:Continental Micronesia’s service began in 1968 and remains the only link from Micronesia to the rest of the world.
©RMI Visitors Authority

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Sisilo: PACER-Plus? What’s in it for Nauru?

Last Updated on Thursday, 10 May 2012 10:22

NEXT week Honiara will host round 2 of the negotiations between 14 Forum Island Countries (FICs) and Australia & New Zealand (ANZ) on the proposed and controversial Pacific Agreement on Closer Economic Relations (PACER-Plus)
Solomon Star reports “what’s in it for Nauru?”
PiPP will be attending the Non-State Actors (NSAs) Dialogue on the Pacific Agreement on Closer Economic Relations (PACER) Plus trade negotiations to be held in Honiara, Solomon Islands on 18 October 2010. For more details click here for the press release from the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat.

A lot is at stake as PACER-Plus is the most important economic and trade negotiations that FICs will undertake this decade.

If agreed to, it will result in a binding international agreement whose scope and impact will be just huge. 

So huge and far-reaching that it will eclipse any other regional initiatives. 

Nauru and other FICs must therefore shape the agenda now and get this right if they are to benefit.
To get it right Nauru’s Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Trade and fellow Solomon Islander, Robert Sisilo, will be constantly searching and asking “what’s in it for Nauru?” 

At the moment, precisely what PACER-Plus will be is a matter for negotiations. 

It is therefore still uncertain what PACER-Plus will look like.

But following some initial consultations among its stakeholders, Nauru will flag a number of things it believes could actually assist its economic development in a trade agreement with ANZ. 

One of these is development cooperation. 

Nauru will be looking for an agreement that has clear development benefits without significant adjustment or implementation costs – a trade agreement for development rather than the promotion of trade for its own sake.
Labour mobility will also go a long way in addressing the development challenges facing Nauru – a 21-square kilometer country of 11 thousand people. 

Besides phosphate and fish, it’s people are about the only other resource Nauru has. 

So for Nauru if the PACER Plus process does not significantly enhance the movement of unskilled and semi-skilled labour then the conclusion of the process is uncertain and may be protracted.


Otherwise the cost of making commitments on goods and services could well outweigh any benefits arising from PACER-Plus.

The development of infrastructure, particularly sea ports, shipping and aviation, are also crucial if FICs, particularly the small island states, are to trade at all. 

Unless there is adequate infrastructure and cheaper forms of transportation and regular shipping, the prospect to trade under PACER Plus will simply be zero particularly for the remote and vulnerable small island states like Nauru. 

So these things – sea ports, airports, shipping, fuel costs etc – must also feature prominently on the PACER Plus Agenda.
Reported in solomonstarnews.com on 13 October 2010

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Foreword

Last Updated on Thursday, 10 May 2012 10:12

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I would like to thank all stakeholders for the opportunity with which I have been honoured to provide the foreword to the first edition of the publication Political Parties and Groupings of Solomon Islands.

Although political party development dates back to 1965, it has not evolved beyond the stage of aspiring politicians drawn together on the eve of national elections. & They appear to fissile out, just as quickly as they mushroomed, after the conclusion of elections. & Sustained political party administration in between elections has been minimal, if at all.

Party members who were successfully elected continue to associate only for reasons of likely appointment to ministerial positions and certain statutory organisations or various parliamentary standing committees.

Recently, party members who have been unsuccessful in national elections continue to have some influence on the government of the day at government caucus level.

Be that as it may, there is still clear absence of political parties’ appreciation at large. & Consequently, sustained and organised political parties administrations on permanent basis have yet to take root in the country. & Hence, the lack of information on political parties today. & This deficiency is expected to be duly redressed in future by periodical updates of this publication.

In late 2009 and early 2010 the attempt by the government to institutionalise the establishment and administration of political parties by an Act of Parliament was unsuccessful. & Had this been successful, proper political party development, administration and discipline would have attracted certain government funding. & Thus enhancing desirable political and governmental stability and minimising corrupt practices by political opportunists who may only be bent on blackmailing the executive government for their own materialistic aggrandisement.

There has always been deliberate attempts by political leaders to ensure that political parties do not necessarily become institutions of further divisions in a country that is already struggling with nation building due to its many and varied diversities.

Equitable national representation continue to underpin political parties and groupings but feelings of common island of origin, religious belief, educational camaraderie or personable charisma are natural diehards in influencing closer associations of politicians.

I look forward to the day when political parties will be understood, appreciated and accepted by the people of this highly diverse island nation state. To a point where ones loyalty, commitment and ability to ones political party is attributed to ones belief in its political ideology, principles and philosophy. May such a day come soon rather than later.

The Rt. Hon. Sir Peter Kenilorea, KBE, PC,&
Speaker of the National Parliament of Solomon Islands&
Solomon Islands’ First Prime Minister&

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Rural Congress People’s Party (RCPP)

Last Updated on Wednesday, 9 May 2012 03:39

{accordion}
Leading figures ::
Rev.Talasasa (interim president)
||||
Status ::

A new one person party formed to contest the 2010 election.
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Links ::
Unknown.
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Parliamentary seats ::
As a new party formed to contest the 2010 elections, the party held no seats in the last parliament.
||||
Policies and outlook  ::

In launching the party the founder told the assembled media that the focus of the party would be on rural poverty, stating ‘If rural community standard of living is to be improved, the entire rural community Infrastructure ought to be revolutionised’ (Solomon Star, 16 April 2010).

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History ::
A new party formed to contest the 2010 election.
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Contact details ::
To be advised.
{/accordion}

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Sources

‘New party to be launched amongst mangrove trees’, Solomon Star, 16 April 2010

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Nasonal Pati/National Party (NP)

Last Updated on Thursday, 10 May 2012 09:49

{accordion}
Leading figures ::
Francis Billy Hilly, Martin Magga, Nollen Cornelius Leni

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Status ::
A well established party (founded 1997) built firmly around its founder and leader Francis Billy Hilly. Like many political parties in the Solomon Islands, membership is fluid and tends to reflect members changing their party affiliation following an election rather than voters’ choice.

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Links ::
The party’s stronghold is Rannonga and Simbo Island, Western Province.

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Parliamentary seats ::
Three MPs were aligned to the Nasonal Pati in the last parliament: Francis Billy Hilly (Ranogga/Simbo constituency), Martin Magga (Temotu Pele constituency) and Nollen Cornelius Leni (East Central Guadalcanal constituency).

||||
Policies and outlook ::
The party’s policy platform is extensive and includes the following key commitments if it leads government after the 2010 election:

  • Cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favour of mainland China.
  • Introduce legislation to regulate political parties.
  • Call a national referendum to determine public support for a federal constitution or a state government system.
  • Include chiefs and other traditional leaders in the hierarchy of the judiciary.
  • Upgrade conditions of service of police and prison officers.
  • Review the number of existing overseas missions and consular offices.
  • Provide full compensation for lost, damaged or stolen properties and business losses incurred during the tension.
  • Create a venture fund.
  • Re-introduce an agricultural extension service.
  • Actively pursue land reform.
  • Develop fish farms in every part of the country where it is viable.
  • Establish free trade zones.
  • Re-introduce and strengthen the policy on reserved business areas for Solomon Islanders.
  • Establish an industrialisation and modernisation fund.
  • Build new transportation and telecommunications infrastructures in and around “economic growth centres” in the country.
  • Drastically review the Rural Constituency Development Fund (RCDF) with a view to ensure real development does take place in the constituencies and it is properly accounted for.
  • Adopt a revenue-sharing formula of 60/40 in favour of provincial affairs with the lesser amount for central government programmes.
  • Research into and, where appropriate, recognize the use of herbal and/ or traditional medicines.
  • Increase budgetary allocation for the health sector.
  • Speed up the establishment a University of South Pacific campus in Solomon Islands.
  • Upgrade centres for the handicapped, disabled and the retarded.
  • Pursue the establishment of an old age support scheme for the most deserving and needy.
  • Conduct a national competition to come up with verses (poems) of national affirmation.
  • Introduce legislation for the protection of women and children against sexual harassment and /or gender-based violence.
  • Establish a national youth corp.
  • Continue support for RAMSI.

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History ::

The Nasonal Pati (National Party) was founded in 1997 by long serving parliamentarian and former prime minister Francis Billy Hilly. He was first elected to parliament in 1976 representing the Ranogga/Simbo constituency, a seat he held until 1984. On entering the Legislative Assembly, Prime Minister Peter Kenilorea appointed Hilly as Minister for Home Affairs. He resigned in 1978 in a display of support for the ‘Western Breakaway Movement’, which was pushing for independence for the Western District due to perceptions of limited government support for this part of the country. Hilly left the national parliament in 1984, and was elected President of the Western Provincial Assembly, before returning to the national stage in 1993 when he was re-elected to the Ranogga/Simbo constituency. Following the election, which he contested as an independent, he won the parliamentary vote becoming the country’s fourth prime minister (June 1993 to November 1994).

As Prime Minister, Hilly led what was known as the National Coalition Partnership (NCP) government. The coalition was considered fragile and in October 1994 split when six members (including 5 ministers) resigned to join the opposition. A constitutional crisis ensued after the Prime Minister failed to convene parliament for fear of losing a motion of no confidence following the defection. The Governor-General, Moses Pitakaka, stepped in and sacked Hilly on the grounds that he no longer commanded the majority to rule. In the end Hilly was defeated in a motion of no confidence and was succeeded by Solomon Mamaloni as Prime Minister.

After his ousting as Prime Minister, Hilly assumed the leadership of the opposition, a position he held from 1994 to 1995, and again from July 2004 to April 2006. Hilly served as Minister of Commerce, Industry and Employment in the Coalition for National Unity and Rural Advancement (CNURA) government led by Prime Minister Derek Sikua. He also held this portfolio briefly in the previous Grand Coalition for Change government before being sacked by Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare, after it was revealed Hilly’s Nasonal Pati had signed a memorandum of understanding with China to change diplomatic ties from Taiwan. Hilly’s support for a One-China policy led the other six party MPs (the late Joses Sanga, John Patteson Oti, Isaac Inoke Tosika, Nollen Leni, Reverend Leslie Boseto and Martin Magga) to resign from the Nasonal Party in August 2006. During the 2010 election campaign, Hilly repeated his policy switch pledge to cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favour of China if the Nasonal Pati leads the next government. The Nasonal Pati held two other portfolios in the CNURA government – Lands, Housing and Survey (Martin Magga) and Fisheries and Marine Resources (Nollen Cornelius Leni).

||||
Contact details ::
PO Box 320, Honiara, Solomon Islands
{/accordion}

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Sources

Greenwell, H. (2010) Profile – Francis Billy Hilly – http://harrygreenwell.wordpress.com
Nasonal Pati Manifesto
‘National Party will cut ties with Taiwan’, Solomon Star, 26 June 2010
Solomon Islands National Parliament website
Steeves, Jeffrey S. 1996. ‘Unbounded Politics in the Solomon Islands: Leadership and Party Alignments.’ Pacific Studies, Vol. 19, No. 1

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Rural and Urban Political Party (RUPP)

Last Updated on Wednesday, 9 May 2012 03:31

{accordion}
Leading figures ::
Samuel Manetoali (president) and Trevor Olovae

||||
Status ::
A new party established to contest the 2010 election.
||||
Links ::
Party founder Samuel Manetoali has split from his former colleagues in the Solomon Islands Party for Rural Advancement (SIPRA) to establish his own party.
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Parliamentary seats ::
As a new party formed to contest the 2010 elections it held no seats in the last parliament, however its founder, Samuel Manetoali, represented the constituency of Gao/Bugotu and served as environment and conservation minister.

||||
Policies and outlook  ::
In a news article (Solomon Times, 14 June 2010), the party’s president, Samuel Manetoali, said the party’s focus will be on improving the disparities between the rural and urban communities. A key feature of the party’s platform is establishing economic growth centres in all constituencies in the provinces.

||||
History ::
A new party established to contest the 2010 election.

||||
Contact details ::
To be advised.
{/accordion}

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Sources

‘New Party Promises Economic Centres’, Solomon Times, 14 June 2010

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Democratic Party (DP)

Last Updated on Thursday, 10 May 2012 09:04

{accordion}
Leading figures ::
Sir Fr. John Ini Lapli (President), Alice Pollard Aruheeta (Vice President), Steve Abana (Party Leader), Gideon Zoloveke Jnr (Treasurer), John Keniapisia (General Secretary), Matthew Wale (founding member and former party leader), Gabriel K. Suri (founding president), Joash Maneipuri (founding treasurer) and the late John Hauirae (founding General Secretary).
||||
Status ::
Established in 2005 to contest the 2006 general election, the party’s stronghold is across the 13 seats of Malaita as well as 2 from Guadalcanal, 2 from Choiseul, 2 from Temotu, 2 from Western Province.
||||
Links ::
The Party is intending to contest at least 28 seats at the 2010 election. Party leader’s acknowledge that it will not win an outright majority and have set a target of ten seats. It is understood that the Democratic Party has a pre-election coalition understanding with three other political parties.
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Parliamentary seats ::
The party held up to 11 seats in the last parliament, including: Steve Abana (Fataleka), Matthew Wale (Aoke Langa Langa), Peter Tom (West Kwaio), Sam Iduri (West Kwara’ae), Stanley Festus Sofu (East Kwaio) and David Day Pacha (South Guadacanal).
||||
Policies and outlook ::
The party identifies the following as the three most urgent strategic challenges facing the nation:

(i) Leadership – the need for visionary, positive, constructive and balanced leadership committed to the public good and national interest.
(ii) Promoting indigenous rule – ensure the political process is responsive to the majority interests of the indigenous electorate and ensure their control over the destiny of the country and strengthen and empower traditional decision making process.
(iii) Social cohesion – building a united society premised on respect for the rich cultural diversity.

In pursuit of these challenges, the party believes that the following reforms are necessary:
1.Land reform
2.Village improvement programme
3.Electoral and political reform
4.Economic reform
5.Public service reform
6.Police service reform
7.Federal/State government reform.

The party’s members supported the Political Parties Integrity Bill as a means of addressing the issue of stability in politics. As Education Minister Matthew Wale was a strong advocate for fee-free education. The party has indicated its intention to push for the development of a national univeristy based on Malaita. While committing to retaining diplomatic ties with Taiwan, the party has signalled its intent to pursue economic and trade relations with mainland China.
||||
History ::
The Democratic Party was launched on 15th October 2005 by the then interim president, Gabriel Suri who delivered the inaugural speech at the King Solomon Hotel. At that inaugural congress, the party’s constitution was adopted, national executive elected and the 2006 Election Platform endorsed. The party’s founders were intent on contributing to the post conflict rebuilding process and in particular to challenge under the banner ‘ethical leadership’. In the words of party General Secretary, John Keniapisia:

“Leadership was more than just the usual rhetoric of politics, associated with negatives. Leadership was a higher and noble calling. It was a divine calling. It was a calling from God. Political leadership is about nation building. Political Leadership is also about God’s calling for men & women to be involved in Kingdom building, here on earth, knowing that everything we do is a calling from God. Therefore we are answerable to Him. Our focus must be on things of eternal value. In everything we do, we must intent on doing it for the glory of God”.

The party’s founding president, Gabriel Suri, is a lawyer by profession. Former Governor-General (1999-2004) and Premier of Temotu Province, Sir Fr. John Ini Lapli (who is also a priest in the Chruch of Melanesia) took over the leadership of the party. Well known Malaitan business identity, Matthew Wale, was to lead the parliamentary party wing of the party, but failed to secure a seat in the 2006 elections. He was elected on 27 March 2008 in the Aoke Langa Langa constituency by-election following the passing of the late former prime minister Bartholomew Ulufa’alu who had held the seat since 1997. Before entering parliament, Mr Wale was a participant in the peace talks following the tensions. Through that role he and his family came under pressure from factions of the Malaita Eagle Force, and concerns for his safety were documented in a report by Amnesty International in 2000.
||||
Contact details ::
C/- P O Box G1, Honiara
Solomon Islands
Phone: +677 24361/7496889
Email: jkeniapisia@pmc.gov.sb

{/accordion}

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Sources

Amnesty International (2000) Solomon Islands: Fear for Safety – Matthew Wale and Julian Treadaway
‘Democratic Party Prepares for 2010 Elections’, Solomon Times, 15 July 2010
‘Democratic Party pushes for stronger ties with God’, Solomon Star, 16 July 2009
Solomon Islands National Parliament website – www.parliament.gov.sb

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Direct Development Party (DDP)

Last Updated on Wednesday, 9 May 2012 03:22

{accordion}
Leading figures ::

Dick Ha’amori (president) and Alfred Sasako

||||
Status ::
A new party established to contest the 2010 election.
||||
Links ::
Unknown.
||||
Parliamentary seats ::
As a new party formed to contest the 2010 elections it held no seats in the last parliament.
||||
Policies and outlook::
Media coverage of the party’s launch has described the party’s financial policies as radical, and the party has attracted considerable criticism over its intended policy to open up the National Provident Fund for those who are not formally employed. The party’s focus is rural economic development and policy measures include reform to the taxation system and introduction of a proposed transaction tax to replace personal income taxes.

The other primary policy focus is education and includes: turning the College of Higher Education (SICHE) into a National University and universal free education.

||||
History ::

A new party established to contest the 2010 election. Party president, D

Dick Ha’amori,signed in controversial circumstances from his position as director of the Solomon Islands College of Higher Education in May 2010.

Alfred Sasako is a high profile journalist and former Member of Parliament representing the East Kwaio constituency from 1997 to 2006.
||||
Contact details ::
To be advised.
{/accordion}

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Sources

‘SICHE Director axed..CHENLA wants SICHE’s three tops posts filled immediately while parliament dissolves’,Solomon Star, 10 May 2010
‘New party supports plan to turn SICHE into uni’, Solomon Star, 18 May 2010
‘A return to basics… The only way to move forward’, Solomon Star, 20 May 2010
‘DDP and NPF’, Solomon Star, 25 May 2010
‘DDP’s policy on NPF – Its a blooper’, Solomon Times, 3 June 2010

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pps-2013-04-15 This week on Pacific Politics: PiPPtalks - MSG Secretariat Director General Peter Forau discusses the organisation's identity and purpose; Dan McGarry looks at the West Papuan independence movement's long road to freedom; a photo essay on the MSG's Eminent Persons Group and much more....

PiPP is pleased to present its latest tool in understanding the state of mobile phone and internet use in Vanuatu. This infographic encapsulates the key findings from our 2011 study of social and economic effects of telecoms in Vanuatu. Please contact us for a printed copy or click here for the downloadable graphic.

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